“Nobody’s listening”: 5 things Americans told me about the economy that Washington needs to hear

By Phil Mattingly, CNN

(CNN) — From Cleveland to the Outer Banks, the cost-of-living crisis that will decide the midterms, in the words of the people living it.

Every incumbent on the ballot this fall, Republican or Democrat, is running on a set of numbers. Unemployment at 4.2%. Record household income. Inflation “cooling.” The five things I learned over six months of kitchen tables explain why those numbers aren’t landing.

I spent the better part of a year trying to answer one question: Why do Americans feel this bad about an economy that, on paper, is this good? Some 74% of Americans rate the economy as poor, not far off the 84% who said the same in 2009, when the country was shedding jobs by the hundreds of thousands.

People who handed me, a stranger, their bank statements because nobody else was asking aren’t going to be won over by a mailer. “Cooling” inflation sounds like an insult to people whose rent doubled and stayed doubled. When a family is one ordinary bill from the edge, its backup plan is sleeping in the car. People who spent years blaming themselves have started blaming the people in charge. Parents and grandparents are wondering if their children will get to stay in the places they built.

This is an electorate that is angry and unconvinced its vote changes anything. In the closest races in the country, it may not matter which candidate has the better plan. It may matter which one people finally believe was listening.

I built the spreadsheets first. I’m a numbers guy, and I won’t apologize for it. But the spreadsheets didn’t explain it. More than four dozen people across six episodes did, though, at their own kitchen tables, usually with their bills spread out in front of us.

Here are the five things they taught me that no top-line number will.

When Washington says inflation is cooling, it means prices are rising more slowly. It doesn’t mean anything got cheaper. That distinction sounds like economist hair-splitting. At the kitchen table, it’s everything.

Jolene Simecek’s rent in Cleveland went “from $785 to nearly $1,600” for the same apartment in the space of seven years. “When I file my taxes,” she told me, “my income is definitely not doubled.”

In Tampa, Phebie White’s rent climbed from $850 to $1,250 while her Social Security check sat still. “Your bills are going to go up,” she said, “but your Social Security is not going to go up.” Annual adjustments, known as COLAs, have not kept pace with rising expenses in recent years.

Prices are up 6.8% since December 2024. Average hourly pay is up 5.9%. That gap is the whole story in two numbers, and it’s why “the economy is improving” lands like an insult.

A 20-something in Atlanta, Kay Jones, summed up her friends’ finances for me in four words: “We’re in a recession.” By every official measure, we’re not. She wasn’t describing a definition. She was describing a feeling, and that feeling is what shows up in the polls.

No single catastrophe wiped out the people I met. It was the grind: housing, insurance, food, childcare, electricity, all of it climbing, none of it optional. That left them one surprise away from crisis: a $70 tire, a $400 vet bill, an $1,100 utility bill due Monday, a dead battery in a snowstorm.

What I wasn’t prepared for was how many of them had already, quietly, worked out what came next. And how often the answer was the car.

Phebie keeps her car insurance paid before almost anything else. “Just in case I need to sleep in it,” she told me, “and I pray that that never happens.” I asked her to explain. She said she knows plenty of people who already do, and “you won’t know that they’re sleeping in their car until they tell you.”

At a free clinic in Tampa, I sat down next to a 64-year-old cancer survivor named Elen Trosino, and when I asked how long she’d been living in her car, she said, “Uh, like a week now.”

In Rocky Mount, North Carolina, Sheila Scarborough, a veteran on a fixed income, slept in hers most nights for seven weeks this summer after the city cut her power. On the Outer Banks, a tour guide named Stu Laird lived in his truck until the battery died in a January storm and he ended up with frostbite, three hospital stays and a broken hip.

They differ in age, race, region and politics. Every one of them landed on the same contingency plan, alone. I’ve covered this stuff for nearly two decades, and I can’t find that safety net in any government data series. For millions of Americans, it’s a depreciating asset with a back seat.

This one still gets under my skin.

In every city, people facing forces that took decades to build – predatory lending, a childcare market that runs on poverty wages, a state that refused to expand Medicaid, a war that sent diesel past $6 – looked at the damage and assumed they were the problem.

“I didn’t make the right decisions,” Jolene told me. Phebie said if her generation had known better, they would have done better. Corey Goodhue, an Iowa corn and soybean farmer staring at his over-budget diesel line, told me, “Either I did it wrong or inflation got me. The buck has to stop at this desk.” A Tampa woman who spent 35 years getting other people onto food stamps and Medicaid, now uninsured herself, said, “I can counsel anybody, I can’t counsel myself.”

I’d smile at first, because it sounded absurd and I assumed each was delivering a knowing quip. Then I’d realize how much they meant it, and, to be candid, I’d get pissed. When a system breaks quietly enough, the people it breaks blame themselves.

But self-blame doesn’t stay self-blame forever. Jolene said it best near the end of our conversation: “I’m kind of questioning why more people aren’t mad.” They are now. More than three-quarters of Americans say they’re dissatisfied or angry about the direction of the country, and 37% call themselves flat-out angry.

The anxiety I heard wasn’t only about this month’s bills. It was about who gets to stay.

Greg and Audrey Dunn paid $114,000 in daycare in a single year for three kids in suburban Boston. “Even if we wanted a fourth kid,” Greg said, “we could never afford a fourth.”

On the Outer Banks, business owner Chris Marik buys houses just to keep his staff and figures his three daughters will probably never be able to live where they grew up. “If I play by the rules, pay my taxes and do this, it should work out,” he said. “On paper, it’s never gonna work out.”

In Atlanta, Mayra Martinez watched her immigrant parents get priced out of the neighborhood they helped build. They “lost two homes,” she said: the country they left, and the community they made here. In Iowa, a young farmer explained that under current tax rules, it makes more sense for an older relative to die holding the land than to sell it to him.

And Jolene, who never had generational wealth to inherit, is determined that her son will. “If I’m having trouble and struggling at 42,” she asked me, “how do I expect my gonna-be-18-year-old to get a place?”

That’s why voters under 35 are among the most pessimistic in the country: 84% rate the economy poorly. It isn’t a mood. It’s math about their own futures.

As I sat at kitchen tables and personal offices walking line-by-line through childcare invoices, utility bills and budget spreadsheets, I often caught myself marveling at the willingness of so many to be so transparent about their personal financial pressure points and struggles. Part of it, I came to believe, was that nobody else had asked.

Sheila said it outright. “They’re not listening,” she told me. “We are trying, as citizens, trying to tell you what’s going on, but nobody’s listening.” When I asked Phebie whether policymakers understand what she’s going through, she said one word, “No.” Then: “Because they don’t have the struggle.” And when the campaign calls came while Sheila’s power was off, she had a message for them: “Until you help get my lights on, don’t ask me about voting for nobody.”

That’s what makes this election so hard to read. The economy and cost of living lead every other issue, at 43%. But 29% say neither party would do a better job on it. And among voters who aren’t highly motivated to show up, 51% call the economy their top issue, compared with 36% of the most motivated. The people most consumed by the cost of living are the least sure their vote changes anything.

What it all means

Here’s what stays with me after more than 60 hours of interviews with more than four dozen people over the course of the last six months. None of the people who let me into their homes – who sat with me at their kitchen tables, put out a chair and plate for me at their family dinners, took me to their most personal thoughts, places and financial information – asked for much.

Not a bailout or a handout, just a floor that holds: rent that doesn’t double, a utility bill that’s right, a shot at the same starter home their parents got, a fair chance for their kids to stay. They did the math themselves, often more precisely than the people sending them mailers. Then they blamed themselves, then they got angry, and now they’re deciding whether showing up is worth it.

That’s what’s really at stake on November 3.

I came home from these trips heartbroken more often than I’d like to admit, but never cynical. Phebie still goes to the beach because it’s free. Sheila stood up at a city council meeting for the first time in her life. Corey still calls his optimism “mental illness” and gets up for harvest anyway.

They’re holding up their end. In a few days, they’ll tell us whether they think anyone else is.

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